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Allianz (C): An Interview with Dr. Holger Hatje

Author(s): Joseph L. Bower, Anders Sjoman, and Sonja E. Hout

DOI: 10.1225/305015

Hatje Cantz

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1601 Decorating Ideas for Modern Living: A Practical Guide to Home Furnishing and Interior Design

Ann-Katrin Hatje, Professor
Dept of Historical Studies
Umeå University
ann-katrin.hatje@historia.umu.se
Paper till Historikermötet i Uppsala 22-24 april 2005
PUBLIC AND PRIVATE WELFARE. Perspectives on the Swedish Public
Sector from a Feminist Point of View
The expansion of the public sector in the 1960s and 1970s is in Sweden
closely associated with the Swedish welfare model and with equality between
men and women. It is also related to a great and rapidly increase of female
labour force. Womens work outside home also increased in other countries
due to the expansion of the public sector. The difference between other
countries and Sweden was the stronger determination of the Swedish State to
encourage womens participation in the labour market.
i
This was
accompanied by a lively debate on sex and gender roles, equality between
men and women and womens economic independence in the family.
Since the mid-1990s, when Sweden had joined the European union,
the Swedish welfare model has been exposed to many comprehensive
changes. Instead of practising direct privatisations as it often has been done in
other countries, the Swedish government has implemented a vast
decentralization programme from the state to the municipalities in the country.
The about 290 municipalities have nowadays to a large extent to administer
and run public welfare schemes previously managed by the central state. At
the same time state subsidies to the municipalities for running public welfare
have been reduced in order to limit the deficit in the state budget.
Although Sweden still is one of the most homogenous countries in
the world concerning standard of living, the inequalities and income
differences have increased in the past years, even more than in most other
West European countries. Only in Great Britain the increase of economic
and social inequalities has been larger.
ii
A consequence of the social and economic changes in Sweden in
the 1990s is the growing importance of the voluntary sector, which is
expected to perform more social services than before. This has, however,
been questioned by voluntary associations themselves. In 2001 the leader
of the Swedish Salvation Army, thus, emphasized that the army was
willing to give help and social support, but it did not want to be exploited.
He mentioned that his organization often was asked to do social work such
as distributing food among the poor, arranging lodging for younger,
elderly, and unemployed people, giving support to lonely mothers and so
forth. This growing social welfare work of the Salvation Army should
come to an end, he stressed, not only because of economic costs and
personal pressure on members of the Salvation Army, but also because of
the fear that the social work of the Salvation Army would outclass the
religious goals of the army.
iii
Thus there were limitations how far the
social welfare work of the Salvation Army could expand. This example is
an illuminating illustration of the tension between private and public
welfare and the boundaries between them, and it rises the question to what
Page 2
2
extent private welfare should be a substitute or a complement to public
welfare. This will, however, not be the issues dealt with in this paper.
Instead a feminist perspective will be adopted in order to problematize the
relation between a big public sector and womens social and economic
status.
My main purpose is to relate to each other, on the one hand feminist
claims on better social, economic and political status for women, and, on the
other hand the expansion and the feminisation of the public sector in the
1960s and 1970s. To what extent is a big public sector a guarantee for
gender equality? To what extent does it promote womens social
citizenship? To what extent were the expansion and the feminisation of the
public sector in the 1960s and 1970s in line with feminist claims? To what
degree does or can a large feminised public sector decrease gender
inequalities? What about the reduction of government means to the public
sector in Sweden in the 1990s and feminist claims today?
I shall not be able to fully answer all of these questions. But I will
shed some light on them by giving a historical background. I shall roughly
outline two trajectories of importance for the development of womens work
and social position in Sweden. It is the female professionalisation of care,
nursering and health, which started at the end of the 19
th
century, and the
development from being a Swedish maidservant at the turn of the 20
th
century to become a civil servant in the 1960s.
iv
My main intention is to
point to broader structural features in order to discuss both positive and
negative consequences, functions and implications of the public sector. In
fact it is a huge task and it deserves a lot of investigations and research.
What I present in this paper is only a modest beginning to further research.
The Development from Female Philanthropy to Welfare Feminism,
c. 1880-1970
In the bourgeois womens movement many emancipating issues were put
forward at the same time in the end of the 19
th
century, i.e. womens right to
education and work as well as political and legal rights. Different initiatives
and strategies were used both political and professional. In this paper I will
concentrate on the professional side.
There is a strong connection between womens philanthropic work
in the late 19
th
century and the establishment of new female professions such
as nurses, pre-school teachers, teachers in domestic sciences and so forth in
the beginning of the 20
th
century.
In the philanthropic oriented womens movement in the19th century
women expressed strong expectations to improve womens social and
economic position by fostering and educating women to be good “spiritual
mothers”. Either a woman was young or old, childless or not, married or
unmarried all women were considered to share the same distinctive
character of motherly caring. Through theoretical and practical education
young women had to develop this motherly character. It had to be awoken
and developed; then the young women would be able to add something new
and useful to the commonweal, whatever work, duty or occupation they
wanted to fulfil. But especially for unmarried women it was understood that
Page 3
3
they ought to devote themselves to social and caring work among poor
people, thus bridging class hatred and shaping social peace.
The female philanthropy was to a large extent institutionalised in the
late 19
th
century and the beginning of the 20
th
century. Women from the
upper middle class founded different colleges or seminars for female
education in social work, domestic sciences, pre-school pedagogy, medical
health etc. They acted as female social entrepreneurs, and their activity has
been called bourgeois maternalism. This female elite claimed to represent
modern society and modern scientific ideas such as social Darwinism,
psychology and economics. Women as well as men should promote modern
views and ideas of importance for social development, they reasoned.
However, women should promote this modernity within “their” fields as
care, social work, domestic sciences and so forth. It was also considered,
both by women and men, that women should be the leaders in these fields.
Philanthropic engaged women therefore claimed legal and political rights
for women to make them more capable to maintain their interests in society
as leaders of their activities.
Many institutions and organisations founded by philanthropic
women still exist, although in a rather different form. That demonstrates a
strong continuity and that these activities met important social needs not
only of their own time.
The previous idealistic and visionary elements, which were so
pronounced in the bourgeois maternalism more and more faded away in the
1920s and the following decades. A more professionalised and scientific
orientation took place in the fields of care, social work and domestic
services. These activities and their intentions have great similarities with
social engineering and can therefore be seen as a female correspondence to
male social engineering with its strong industrial connotations.
The philanthropic maternalists were succeeded by female social
engineers, although it must be stressed that there were no sharp boundaries
between them. It was more of a generation shift, where a younger generation
developed older ideas by adopting more theoretical and scientific
perspectives and views.
In these two phases of maternalism and female social engineering,
which in Sweden comprise the period 1880s – 1920s and 1930s – 1950s,
women mostly were the leaders of their institutions and organisations.
However, in the late 1940s they began to loose their leading positions.
Among others this was a consequence of a take-over by municipalities and
the state of previous institutions founded by female philanthropists. It was
also a consequence of centralisation and concentration of power within
white-collar trade unions, which implied that previous female trade unions
lost much power and influence over their own activities.
After World War II there was a lack of labour force in Sweden,
which lasted for some decades. There was also a great demand for nurses,
pre-school teachers and social workers, which can be seen as a hint of the
expanding Swedish welfare state in the 1960s.
The feminisation of the Swedish public sector accelerated rapidly in
the 1960s and the 1970s. About 30- 40 000 new women joined the public
sector as employees every year in the 1960s. This expansion of female
labour force has been called “a revolution in Swedish” or “something like a
Page 4
4
bloodless revolution”.
v
The ideology of equality got a breakthrough,
accompanied by feminist demands on child day care (daghem), new family
roles and so forth. In this period “welfare-feminist” or “state-feminist” ideas
were widespread among political engaged women, especially on the left-
wing side. A strong state with a big public sector was seen as a guarantor for
womens economic and social independence. The emphasise that every
citizen who could work should have a job, also mothers with small children,
can be seen as an expression of the special weight which was (and still is)
given to economic independence in Sweden. This aspect of independence
also influenced Swedish family policy, where the family members were seen
as individuals with special needs and interests. To promote the economic
interest of married women to take paid work outside the home separate
taxation for the husbands was introduced in 1971, and at the same time there
was an on-going expansion of public child day care.
This Swedish model of family policy shows some similarities with the
former Democratic Republic of Germany. To promote womens work outside
home and family, public child day care and a liberal abortion legislation were
carried through. Sweden also got a liberal abortion legislation in 1975.
Although the ideology of the 1960s and 1970s was radical in many
respects when it came to womens situation and family policy, the labour
market was sharply gender segregated. The feminisation of the public sector
contributed much to this segregation. The Swedish public sector was
organised in a strict male gender hierarchical way with many women in the
bottom and the few men at the top as chiefs with economic and
administrative power. This structure was especially evident in the
municipalities and in the region councils (landsting) where most female
civil servants were (and still are) employed. Thus, women to a large extent
became subordinated to male power. Leading women were above all
forewomen.
From Maidservant to Civil Servant
The internationally and urban oriented elite women representing bourgeois
maternalism or female social engineering were a minor part of Swedish
women. I shall therefore focus on the majority of Swedish women and their
work or occupations during the period c. 1900 - 1970s.
At the turn of the 20
th
century most Swedish women lived in the
countryside occupied with domestic services in farms, either as married to
farmers or as unmarried maidservants.
In the 1910s and 1920s there was a dramatically increase with about
50 percent of the female labourers in the industries, especially in the textile
and food industries.
In the 1920s and 1930s young women en masse left the countryside
for the towns and cities. They preferred non-agrarian, better paid jobs in
industries, trade, craft, services and so forth. In the 1930s this “silent
revolution” of the women reached a peak. Nearly 2/3 of the young women
migrated from agrarian to urban areas.
vi
In the 1960s a gigantic structural change of Swedish society took
place leading to an increased migration and mobility. This radical change
presupposed, one could say, that a greater part of care, health and domestic
Page 5
5
services was publicly run. In the expanding public sector many previous
housewives were employed, many of them working part-time. Thus, their
former unpaid domestic work as housewives was turned into paid work. For
many of these women it might have been a sort of revolution to have money
of their own. Their economic dependence on their husbands and their social
closeness to their homes and homework were lessened with the expansion of
the public sector. On the other hand many of them got a double burden of
work, both the homework of a housewife and the domestic services of a
public employee.
There is an auspicious continuity in womens work. By and large it
is dominated by care and domestic services, either it is performed in the
farms as maidservants in the beginning of the 20
th
century, privately in the
family as housewives in the 1920s – 1950s or as employees in the public
sector in the 1960s.
Is a big public sector a guarantor for womens economic and social
independence?
Elite-women as philanthropic maternalists at the turn of the 20
th
century and
female social engineers in the 1920s-1940s had a strong belief that womens
social citizenship would be strengthened, if women dedicated themselves to
care and social, medical and health services. Their main strategy was
professionalisation of these fields in order to establish new female
occupations. Although, women skilfully tried to use different ways and
means to further this strategy, it was not successful seen from a structural
point of view. That is due to the general low estimation of occupations
concerning care and social, medical and health services. They are often
considered as “semi-professions”. This became even more pronounced in
the public sector with its hierarchical construction leading to a general
subordination of womens labour force to male control and power. Female
leadership in the public sector was (and is) concentrated to the occupations
of forewomen, not to higher occupations with for instance control of
economic means.
However, the big public sector did certainly have some positive
effects, especially for women from lower social strata. It offered them some
economic and social independence and loosened their ties to husbands,
home and family. The services offered by the public sector, especially the
municipal child day care, made it possible for many young, sometimes
lonely, mothers to study or to work. Thus, the feminised, big Swedish sector
primarily offered new jobs to the non-skilled female labour force and
functioned as a support for young and lonely mothers, who are one of the
most vulnerable groups in society. The municipal child day care also gave
opportunities to better off mothers to study and to work. A public sector
containing services, which make it easier for young mothers to study or to
work, is certainly an important furthering of womens social and economic
citizenship and thereby a valuable contribution to gender equality.
To a large degree the expansion of the services offered by the public
sector was in line with feminist claims in the 1960s and 1970s, such as more
child day care institutions, better mother care, free abortion and so forth.
Page 6
6
It is no doubt that the big Swedish public sector contributed to
diminishing social and economic inequalities between classes and sexes,
making Sweden to one of the most equal countries in the world. On the
other hand Sweden got one of the most gender segregated labour markets in
the world. From a structural point of view and in reality women in general
had a subordinated status and had less political influence than men.
About ten years ago some feminists (Stödstrumporna/ supporting
stockings) started a debate about women and power and among others they
pointed to the low estimation of female labour force and the powerlessness
of women when it came to economic and political influence. This debate
and its claims were effectively summarised in the slogan “Half of the power
– and full salaries”.
vii
Stödstrumporna challenged the male political
establishment by threatening to constitute a womens party, if the issue of
equality between men and women was not seriously treated as a political
matter of fact. The result of this strategy was that half of the candidates
nominated by the political parties were women in the election to the
Parliament (Riksdag) in 1994 (varannan damernas).
viii
Feminists of today are less concerned with welfare matters
compared with how it was in the 1960s -1970s and in the beginning of the
1990s. The reduction of public means to social welfare arose sharp critique
and opposition, mainly from those who were hit by the cut downs in public
means such as pre-school teachers, parents, nurses, doctors and so forth. But
it has not to a larger degree been subjected to feminist critique in recent
times.
The cut downs in public means has been debated from general
political perspectives and has to some extent been influenced by the debate
on the concept of civil society and how it should be interpreted.
Compared with Germany and other countries the concept of civil
society has not had the same dynamic importance in Sweden. The first to
use this concept in Sweden were Neo-liberals and Conservatives in the
1980s as a critique directed to the welfare state and the Social Democrats.
Later the concept was also used by left wing politicians and Social
Democrats. The Neo-liberals and the Conservatives urged upon a
comprehensive privatisation of public welfare, whereas the left wing
politicians pleaded for a renewal of the public sector through co-operative
and voluntary welfare solutions built on democratic principles and self-
activities.
ix
This critique from the right as well as from the left wing side had in
common that it reflected the crisis of the welfare state. In Sweden it was
mainly a crisis of the public sector, which was criticized as being too big,
too expensive, too bureaucratic and too inefficient.
x
The Swedish welfare model, with its close ties between the state, the
Social Democrats and general welfare policy, still plays an important role as
a national and political symbol. Paradoxically it is the Social Democratic
Government in the 1990s which has pushed through the cut downs in public
means, especially to the schools and to the medical care. This has been
combined with a comprehensive decentralisation to the municipalities. It
must, however, be stressed that these changes have been decided almost
unanimously in the Riksdag, with reference to the main goal to refinance the
state budget.
Page 7
7
Recently civil servants of the municipalities went on strike for
higher salaries etc. In a column in the magazine Veckans affärer this strike
was commented and the claim for higher salaries for all employees in the
public sector was rejected. The columnist meant that there was a confusion
between human dignity and the value of a job. The man cutting the grass on
football plans year after year, thus doing the same job all the time, he
doesnt deserve a higher salary, according to the opinion of the columnist.
As a positive example he mentioned the nurses who had improved their
competence by academic studies. Thereby they managed to get chief
positions with higher salaries. The encouragement to improve their
competence did not come from the public sector, but from the nurses trade
union, the columnist stressed.
xi
The competence raising strategy of the nurses, mentioned above, is
in accordance with old tradition among bourgeois maternalists and female
social engineers. To some extent the opportunities to make good use of this
strategy have increased due to the changes in organising medical health
services in the 1990s. Because of the heavy cut downs in public means to
the medical and health care in the 1990s more private run institutions had
started as alternatives to the public run. Thus more competing job
possibilities have been created for nurses in the 1990s.
The columnist in Veckans affärer criticized the public sector for
being a bad employer. Such a critique emanates often from economists and
representatives for trade and industry, whereby they refer to their own
investigations showing that women in the public sector earn less than
women with the same job in the private sector. There is also a bigger gap
between mens and womens salaries in the public sector than in the private.
Women earn about 70 percent of mens salaries in the public sector
compared with about 76 percent in the private. They also maintain that it is
no use for women in the public sector to higher their competence through
studies or education, because there are hardly any possibilities for them to
make career.
xii
In the late the 1980s the sociologist Gøsta Esping-Andersen foresaw
coming difficulties with the big Swedish public sector. He meant that the
feminised “ghetto”-like public sector might be at threat to the Swedish
welfare model. Due to low salaries, bad working conditions, and no
economic possibilities to increase state subsidies to the public sector he
warned that this sector might be the centre for future social and economic
conflicts.
xiii
Whether the recent strike is the beginning of escalating conflicts
or not, I do not want to speculate about. Anyhow this is not a typical
Swedish problem, but for all welfare states. Civil servants strikes for better
conditions and for stopping further public cut downs have been going on in
France, Germany and other countries for the last years.
Short Abstract, Conclusions and More Questions.
In this paper I have given a historical background to the growing public
sector and its expansion in Sweden in the 1960s and 1970s. It has been done
from a feministic point of view, where I draw a line from female
philanthropy to welfare feminism. I also point to the dramatic changes in
womens labour force in the 20
th
century. My main intentions have been to
Page 8
8
point to structural changes and to discuss them both from feminist point of
views and to relate them to a general public debate. I point to the continuity
both concerning the philanthropic institutions and organisations, which later
on were taken over by municipalities and the State. There is also a striking
continuity in womens caring and domestic services, either this work is
performed privately or publicly.
The belief of philanthropic maternalists and female social engineers
in a professionalisation of care and social, medical and domestic services in
order to give women a good status in society turned out to be without
success, seen from a broader structural perspective. Anyhow, their activities
pointed forwards to a female public sector. The male hierarchical structure
of the Swedish public sector and its tendency to subordinate women cannot
be said to be in line with earlier feminist intentions.
There was also a gap between ideology and realities in the 1960s
and 1970s. On the one hand there was a radical and feminist debate on
gender and sex equality, new family roles and so forth. On the other hand
there was a majority of women with a double burden of work, domestic
work as housewives and non-skilled services in municipalities, where they
often worked part-time with low salaries. From an individual point of view
many of these women might have experienced that as publicly employed
their status was improved economically and socially.
In the late 1980s and in the 1990s up to our days the public sector
has been more and more criticized both from Conservatives and also from
the left wing side, often in connection with a debate about the civil society.
From feminist point of view the challenge from the Stödstrumporna was the
most pronounced critique in the beginning of the 1990s. It was a challenge
directed to the heart of political power, implying both a radical change in
political and economic life with more women in leading positions and a
higher valuation of womens work.
The consequences of the recent changes of organising public and
private welfare in Sweden cannot yet be fully overviewed. Are for example
nurses the winners or not? What about other female occupations like pre-
school teachers? What about the majority of women? Are the many
notifications of illness among civil servants, especially female, an
expression of a mal-functioning public sector? The so called burnt out
phenomenon, especially in the public sector, is an issue which has not been
dealt with in this paper, but it is worth while a special study. For my own
research purposes I would like to elaborate the two trajectories outlined in
this paper in a deeper way. I am therefore grateful for any comments and
proposals how that could be done.
Page 9
9
Appendix
The following statistics, which compare the years 1979 and 1984, show that the majority of
the female civil servants worked part-time in the municipalities and county councils
(landsting), and that most of the male civil servants were employed by the State and worked
full time.
Civil servants: full time, part-time and sexes in 1979 and 1984
Men
Women
Full time Part time
Full time Part time
Employees of the State
1979
237 111
27 785
93 436
70 233
1984
225 616
33 402
89 700
78 230
Employees of the municipalities
1979
127 434
30 454
146 798 286 065
1984
136 558
33 853
184 144 300 227
Employees by the county councils
1979
45 888
9 856
131 412 155 598
1984
53 873
11 911
161 517 178 017
Source: Offentliga sektorn. Utveckling och nuläge. SCB 1985, p. 166-67
According to the public statistics hardly 5 percent of all with an occupation were civil
servants in the period 1870-1905. Before 1870s there were no female civil servants reported
in the statistics. After World War I the public run activities increased. Of all reported with an
occupation the proportion of the civil servants of both sexes were 5,5 percent in 1920, 6,3
percent in 1930, 8,3 percent in 1940, 10,6 percent in 1950 and 13,6 percent in 1960. (Sten
Carlsson, Yrken och samhällsgrupper. 1968 p. 257)
To some extent the increase of the civil servants was due to an increased number of women in
health, medical and social care. That is shown in the presentation beneath. It also shows the
strong gender segregation and feminisation of the civil services.
Men
Women
1870s
Soldiers, approx.
Approx. 5 000 in medical and social care and education
30 000
Less than every 10th civil servant
Around
1914
Approx. 12 000 in medical and social care.
18 000 in education
About every 3rd civil servant
Around
1980
Approx. 1 million civil servants
10 percent in administration
85 percent in medical and health care
and medical care
20 percent in education
65 percent in education and research
75 percent in research
91 percent in social care
Page 10
10
18 percent in transport and
communications
12 percent in the military
defence, police and fire brigades
From 1960 to 1980 about one million women entered the labour market, thus increasing the
frequency of female work to about 45 percent. In 1980 every second woman out at work was
a civil servant, and four of ten women were municipal civil servants. This can be compared to
the fact that every fifth men out at work was a civil servant, but only every tenth was a
municipal civil servant.
Source: Anders Forsman, Det nya tjänstesamhället. De offentliga tjänsternas framväxt och
framtid. 1984, p. 58-61
Comparison between the years 1970 and 1990
The number of wage-earning persons, million
Men
Women
1970
2,2
1,4
1990
2,3
2,2
Women in percent of men
1970
1990
Health- and medical care,
social work
85
84
Administration, clerical and
office work
65
73
Technics, sciences, humanities,
arts and military defence
26
41
Non skilled services
74
74
Commercial work
50
47
Manufacturing, mining and
stone industry
15
16
Transports and communications
20
27
Agriculture, forestry and
21
22
fisheries
Persons with unidentificable
occupations
38
45
Source: Kvinnor och män på arbetsmarknaden. ALI 1997, p. 40
Page 11
11
The proportion of women and men in the labour force in the age of 20-64 years in 1970 and
in 2001
Women
Men
%
%
1970
60
90
2001
79
84
The proportion in public sector
1970
42
21
2001
50
18
The proportion in private sector
1970
58
79
2001
50
82
Source: På tal om Kvinnor och Män. Lathund om jämställdhet. SCB 2002, p. 3
The proportion of female and male civil servants employed by municipalities in the year 1985
Twenty percent of the female civil servants and four percent of male civil servants were employed
by municipalities. About 4/5 of the female civil servants worked in homes for the aged, hospitals,
pre-schools, schools etc., doing non-skilled domestic services as cleaning, caring for children and
elderly etc. Their proportion of all persons doing such jobs was 96 percent. To 90 percent their work
was organised and supervised by forewomen.
Only ten percent of the municipal chiefs were women, mainly for cultural and librarian activities.
Source: Kvinno- och mansvärlden. SCB 1986, p. 181-82
***********
Percent of female and male chiefs in the private and public sector in 2000
Women
Men
Private sector
18
82
Public sector
53
47
state
32
68
municipalities
58
42
county councils
43
57
Source: På tal om Kvinnor och Män. Lathund om jämställdhet. SCB 2002, p. 94
Page 12
12
i
See for example H Melkas & R Anker, Gender Equality and Occupational Segregation in the
Nordic Labour Market. ILO Publication. Genève 1998, p. 13 f
ii
Välfärdsbulletinen 2000:1 p. 4-5 (Lindberg)
iii
The leader of the Swedish Salvation Army, Rolf Roos, in the Conservative newspaper Svenska
Dagbladet June 18 2001
iv
This paper is mainly based on: (1) Ann-Katrin Hatje, Från treklang till triangeldrama.
Barnträdgården som ett kvinnligt samhällsprojekt under 1880-1940-talet. Historiska Media. Lund
1999. Chapter 2, 3 and 9; (2) ”Samhällsfeminism, rationalisering och feminisering av den
offentliga sektorn. Historiskt perspektiv på den offentliga sektorns framväxt i Sverige, ca 1900-
1970”. Kön Makt Våld. Konferensrapport från det sjunde nordiska kvinnohistorikermötet 8-11
augusti 2002, Göteborg. Ed. Eva Helen Ulvros. Göteborgs universitet 2003, p. 325-339, 403-406;
(3) ”Private and Public Welfare: Swedish Child Day Care in Comparative Perspective”. Civil
Society in the Baltic Sea Region. Eds. Norbert Götz & Jörg Hackman. Ashgate Publishing Ltd.
Gower House. U.K. (forthcoming)
v
Christina Florin & Bengt Nilsson, ”Något som liknar en oblodig revolution”. Jämställdhetens
politisering under 1960 och 70-talen. Umeå universitet. Jämställdhetskommittén. Umeå 2000, s 7;
Yvonne Hirdman, Med kluven tunga. LO och genusordningen. Stockholm 2001, s 178
vi
Sten Carlsson, Yrken och samhällsgrupper. Den sociala omgrupperingen i Sverige efter 1866.
Stockholm 1968, p. 38 f, 39 (quotation)
vii
The economist Agneta Stark, Halva makten – hela lönen. Stockholm 1994
viii
Maud Eduards, ”Vem är rädd för Stödstrumporna?” kvinnors lilla lista. Eds. Maria-Pia
Boëthius et. al. Stockholm 1994, p.12 f
ix
Lars Trägårdh, ”Det civila samhället som analytiskt begrepp och politisk slogan”.
Civilsamhället. Betänkande av Demokratiutredningen, SOU 1999: 84 p. 13-53
x
Ibid
xi
”Veckans Wickbom. Nisse ska inte ha ett öre till”. Veckans Affärer 19th May 2003, p 58
xii
Debate article in the Liberal newspaper Dagens Nyheter January 12 2003 written by Stefan
Fölster, chief economist for the Swedish economic life, et al.
xiii
G. Esping-Andersen, ”Jämlikhet, effektivitet och makt. Socialdemokratisk välfärdspolitik”.
Socialdemokratins samhälle. SAP och Sverige under 100 år. Red. Klaus Misgeld, Karl Molin &
Klas Åmark. Stockholm 1989, p. 245-46. See also the same article in Den svenska modellen. Red
Per Thullberg & Kjell Östberg. Lund 1994, s.

Frank Hatje. "Gott zu Ehren, der Armut zum Besten": Hospital zum Heiligen Geist und Marien-Magdalenen-Kloster in der Geschichte Hamburgs vom Mittelalter bis in die Gegenwart. Hamburg: Convent-Verlag, 2002. 735 pp. Index. EUR 39.90 (cloth), ISBN 978-3-934613-47-8.
Reviewed by: Larry Frohman, Department of History, SUNY Stony Brook.
Published by: H-German (June, 2005)

"Gott zu Ehren, der Armut zum Besten" is a history of the monastery of St. Mary Magdalene, the Holy Spirit Hospital, and the associated St. Elisabeth Hospital in Hamburg from the Middle Ages to the post-World War II era. The Holy Spirit Hospital is the oldest, and long one of the most important endowed charitable foundations in Hamburg, and this volume was published to commemorate the 775th anniversary of the founding in 1227 of the Franciscan monastery, whose properties were united with those of the two hospitals during the Reformation.

The book is divided into an introduction and four major sections that describe, first, the founding of these three institutions in the context of Hamburg's history in the Middle Ages; second, the far-reaching impact of the Reformation on the organization of charitable institutions and religious life in Hamburg, the internal management of the hospitals and monastery 1500-1800, the social origins and daily routines of residents, the religious dimensions of life within these institutions, the disciplinary practices of hospital administrators, the architectural features of the main buildings, and the "economy" of this institutional complex; third, the renovation and expansion of the buildings occupied by these institutions across the nineteenth century and the beginning "medicalization" of Christian hospitality; and finally, a cursory account of the fortunes of these institutions from 1914 through the Third Reich (which left little trace on the internal operation of the hospital), World War II, and the beginnings of post-war reconstruction. The second part, dealing with the Reformation and the early modern period, takes up half of the book and forms its conceptual center of gravity.

The book draws on an enormous amount of archival material stretching--with varying degrees of completeness--over this entire period, and the idea of achieving narrative closure over such a long period based on an integral body of archival sources has an undeniable attraction. The most basic problem facing both author and reviewer is to make a case for why the reader should be interested in the history of hospitals and endowed charitable foundations, a problem which is especially acute in view of the length of this work. The success of "foundation history" (Stiftungsgeschichte) as a critical undertaking depends on establishing connections between the history of the foundation and broader historical trends and controversies so that the reader can grasp the macrohistorical implications of the microhistory of the institution and the events that transpire within it. Although "Gott zu Ehren, der Armut zum Besten" is long on archival detail, the book does not consistently make this conceptual leap from the particular to the relevant generality.

The book deals with four interwoven themes: endowed charitable foundations as discrete legal-administrative entities, the citizens who founded and administered these foundations, the socially weak members of the community who benefited from the assistance they offered, and the urban civic community whose values were reflected in and legitimated by these foundations (p. 27). Hatje argues, following Michael Borgolte, that foundations are total social phenomena whose religious, economic, social, legal, and aesthetic dimensions are so integrally connected, if not isomorphic, that they can not be adequately understood in isolation from each other. If this is the case, then the question is how is the historian to enter into this total social phenomenon? According to Hatje, foundations could only perpetuate the will of their founders to the extent that they embodied the normative values of the religio-political community, and so in a properly circular, hermeneutic manner the investigation of authorial intent represents an initial approximation of the meaning of this social totality which is to be confirmed by the subsequent analysis of these other dimensions and the way that they inform and give meaning to these founding acts.

The chief problem is less this theoretical approach than Hatje's own understanding of how this interpretive problem is to be solved. Instead of developing this insight in the direction of a cultural or Alltagsgeschichte that might provide a thick description of the symbolic systems shared by those living within and beyond the foundation walls, Hatje argues that the hermeneutic horizons (Sinn- und Werthorizonte, p. 38) of the community are best revealed through the repetitive, routine features in the administration and operation of the foundation itself: "Konkret: Wie setzt sich das Verwaltungskollegium zusammen, wie organisiert es seine Arbeit, wie entsteht sein 'Gedchtnis', welche Rolle kommt dabei der Verschriftlichung und Brokratisierung zu? Wer wird warum in das Hospital aufgenommen, wie, wann, warum beziehungsweise unter welchen Bedingungen wird Konsens ber dessen Verhalten hergestellt?" (p. 38). This methodological decision determines the basic structure and approach of the book, and the result is seven hundred years, and seven hundred pages, of administrative and organizational history that only occasionally make a systematic connection between these administrative regularities and those dimensions of the social totality that are supposed to reveal their meaning. Ultimately, Hatje's reliance on the administrative archives available to him proves to be a mixed blessing.

There are also other instances where the book promises more than it delivers. Hatje rightly suggests that the social discipline paradigm, which has provided the master narrative of most recent works on poor relief and charity in the early modern and modern periods, only captures certain aspects of the complex relations between the propertied and the poor and marginal. It is no surprise that a work which focuses primarily on hospitals for the elderly and infirm (and which also housed a number of paid pensioners) should conclude that administrators placed greater emphasis on helping than on discipline and control (p. 62), and Hatje's affirmation of Martin Dinges's characterization of early modern society as a "self-help society" (p. 67) is a defensible position. However, the narrow scope of Hatje's analysis of discipline within the hospitals and his decision to focus only on the hospitals rather than on a broader socio-carceral complex that includes both hospitals and Zuchthaus limit the power of his critique of the social discipline paradigm, and this limitation is further aggravated by the fact that Hatje makes only the smallest gesture towards developing an alternative interpretation along the lines suggested by Dinges.

Although Hatje makes a strong argument in the introduction for the broader relevance of the history of hospitals and endowed charitable foundations, I fear that this particular work will be most useful to people who are already familiar with the charitable landscape of the early modern city and who can bring their own questions to bear on the historical terrain covered by the book.

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Citation: Larry Frohman. "Review of Frank Hatje, "Gott zu Ehren, der Armut zum Besten": Hospital zum Heiligen Geist und Marien-Magdalenen-Kloster in der Geschichte Hamburgs vom Mittelalter bis in die Gegenwart," H-German, H-Net Reviews, June, 2005. URL: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.cgi?path=107181125070701.

Herr Prof. Dr. Armin Hatje hat zum Wintersemester 2006/2007 einen Ruf an die Universität Hamburg angenommen.

Seine neue Homepage finden Sie hier

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Zur Homepage des Lehrstuhlvertreters, PD Dr. Franz C. Mayer, LL.M., CEP

NICE amber McLEOD & HATJE whiskey bottle SAN FRANCISCO
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Western Bottle Auction #18 is now on eBay, please see my sellers list for more good items, thank you!

DESCRIPTION - You are bidding on an old and authentic 1890's vintage darker amber glass Handblown Tooled top McLEOD & HATJE / WINE & LIQUOR MERCHANTS whiskey bottle, from SAN FRANCISCO, as shown. This old whiskey 5th bottle stands 12" high.

CONDITION - This old bottle is in very good shape with no chips, cracks or dings and clean glass, does have a small rubbed spot on the front edge of the lip, very minor, and an "as made" crease or line in the glass on the front of the top.

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Journal of Synchrotron Radiation
Volume 2, Part 4 (July 1995)
research papers

pdf versioncited insimilar papersContents buy article online

J. Synchrotron Rad. (1995). 2, 174-180 [ doi:10.1107/S0909049595006455 ]
Curved Crystal Transmission Optics for Energy-Dispersive X-ray Absorption Spectroscopy
M. Hagelstein, C. Ferrero, U. Hatje, T. Ressler and W. Metz

Abstract: The development of a curved crystal monochromator of the Laue type for energy-dispersive X-ray absorption spectroscopy is presented. The quality of the X-ray absorption spectra at high photon energies is compared with spectra measured with silicon crystals in the more frequently used Bragg geometry. In the Bragg case, an asymmetric broadening of the reflectivity profile leads to strong distortions of the near-edge fine structure and to a reduction in spectral resolution. The reflectivity profiles of fiat and curved crystals for Laue and Bragg geometry have been calculated using dynamical theory and are compared with experimental data. The new optics have been used for in situ time-resolved X-ray absorption spectroscopy. An example of the application of the technique for the characterization of a Pd catalyst is given. The X-ray absorption fine structure at the Pd K-edge has been measured during the activation and during the heterogeneous catalytic oxidation of carbon monoxide.

Keywords: energy-dispersive EXAFS; X-ray absorption spectroscopy; Bragg geometry; Laue geometry; curved crystal reflectivity profiles; palladium; catalysts.

Arbeiten in einem reinen Zigarrengeschäft ? Geht das ?

Anfang der neunziger Jahre stellte sich mir diese Frage, und ich wagte den Einstieg. Wir ergänzten und gestalteten die Ladeneinrichtung so behutsam, dass der Geist von Otto Hatje – dem Firmengründer – wieder wehte, durch die musealen Räumlichkeiten, die den Laden seit Mitte der 30iger Jahre beherbergen. Es folgte der Wiedereinstieg einer kleinen eigenen Zigarrenherstellung, der Ausbau unserer Eigensorten in enger Zusammenarbeit mit vier deutschen Familienunternehmen und die Erweiterung unseres Sortiments an feinen Importzigarren. Auch Assesoires sollten nicht fehlen, und eine kleine Auswahl erlesener Spirituosen runden nun unser Angebot ab.

Ein Geschäft rund um den Genuss und die Zigarre, gelegen am Rande der ehemaligen Hochburg der Zigarrenmacher Hamburgs, dem Stadtteil „Mottenburg“.
Ich lade Sie ein, in aller Ruhe unsere Seiten zu durchstöbern, oder Sie besuchen mich persönlich zu einem Probeschmauch mit Plausch rund um den blauen Dunst.